November 1992, Page 19, 86

Special Report

Kuwaitis Elect New Parliament With Enthusiasm

By Andrea W. Lorenz

On Oct. 5, Kuwaitis greeted election day with infectious enthusiasm and optimism, according to on-the-spot observers. In the country's first parliamentary elections in seven years, more than 80 percent of the 81,440 Kuwaiti men eligible to vote because they could trace their Kuwaiti ancestry prior to 1920, cast their ballots.

Although many thought the government's favorites were sure to win, when it came time to cast their votes, Kuwaitis elected 31 opposition members to the 50 National Assemby seats. Among the winners were several candidates who had been the special targets of government criticism. Only seven men who had served on the much-maligned National Council, established extra-constitutionally by the emir in response to the criticism caused by his dissolution of the 1985 National Assembly, won seats in the new parliament.

An Eclectic Mix

The new assembly consists of an eclectic mix of highly educated men, many of whom are in their 30s and 40s. Three candidates who racked up outstanding vote counts are Jassem Al Saqur, of the Constitutional Group; the Oxford-educated Abdullah Al-Nibari of the Democratic Forum; and Ahmad Al-Saadoun, of the Parliamentarian Block, the former president of the National Assembly. Also elected was the popular and outspoken Hamad Al-Jouan, who was shot and paralyzed in 1991 by a mysterious gunman.

A banner headline above the biographical sketches of the successful candidates in the Oct. 7 issue of the Kuwaiti newspaper, Sawt Al Kuwait (Voice of Kuwait), proclaimed them "Poets, Sportsmen, Historians, Teachers, and [former] Security Officials." They include eight Ph.D.s, seven lawyers, two engineers, and at least two physicians. Also elected were 27 men who have never before served in public office.

The actions of the 1992 National Assembly will be influenced by the fact that 16 of its members also belong to the three Islamist factions. These are the Islamic Popular Group and the Islamic Constitutional Movement (both Sunni), and the Shi'i group, the Islamic National Alliance. They are not likely to play any greater role than they did in the 1985 National Assembly, however, because none of their members are extremists.

The Gulf war drove a wedge between the extremists and the moderates in the minds of the Kuwaiti public, who felt betrayed by countries with vocal Islamist movements which sided with Saddam Hussain. In addition, unlike those who belong to the more radical Islamist movements, the Kuwaiti "men of religion" come from relatively affluent backgrounds. Although not all the Islamists who were elected believe that women should be allowed to hold public office, the majority have said they support the right of Kuwaiti women to vote.

One of the biggest surprises of recent days has been Emir Sheikh Jabir Al Sabah's selection of no fewer than six National Assembly members for his 16-member cabinet. This number, beyond the hopes of even the most optimistic observers, is being interpreted as the ruler's gesture toward national reconciliation.

The top three positions in the cabinet, the ministers of interior, foreign affairs, and defense, traditionally have been held by prominent members of the Al Sabah family. In an internal shakeup, the emir announced that he has replaced Sheikh Salim Al Sabah (the minister of interior prior to the invasion, who served as foreign minister until Oct. 17) with Sheikh Al-Ahmed Al-Jabir. The ministers of interior and defense remain Sheikh Ahmed Al Hamoud Al Jaber and Sheikh Ali Sabah Al Salem, respectively. In addition, he named Sheikh Saud Nasir Al-Saud Al Sabah the urbane and articulate Kuwaiti ambassador to the U.S., as minister of information. The moves may buttress the government's ability to deal with a potentially acrimonious investigation by the National Assembly into events leading up to the Iraqi invasion, a process that could divert the assembly's attention from other issues of immediate importance.

At the scheduled opening session of parliament on Oct. 20, the first agenda item was election of a new speaker. In a surprise move, the popular Jassem Al-Saqur, who many had thought would be a close contender for the position, withdrew his name. This, according to Margaret Thompson, vice president of the U.S. government-funded International Republican Institute, who was in Kuwait during the elections, increased the likelihood that the speaker of the previous assembly, Ahmad Al-Saadoun, would be elected.

How much power will the new National Assembly actually wield? According to the International Republican Institute's Jeff Crouse, previous parliaments rarely introduced legislation, although it is allowed by the constitution. However, all legal initiatives proposed by the government must be submitted to the assembly for approval. If the assembly rejects the bill, the government can resubmit it once in its original form. If it is rejected again by a two-thirds vote, the government must then return to the drawing board. The parliament also may reject the emir's cabinet selections.

Two issues the assembly is likely to address immediately are how to ensure the financial accountability of the government and how to create an independent judiciary. Much public criticism of the government has stemmed from the perception that the ruling family permitted misuse of the country's finances. Instances cited include generous reimbursement of losses by speculators in the Suq Al Manakh stock exchange scandal, and the loss this year of $7 billion in Kuwaiti government investments in a Spanish holding company. In addition, although the government has tried to placate the public with financial offerings, including a 25 percent across-the-board raise for all Kuwaitis employed in the public sector and cancellation of all citizens' electric and water bills, many Kuwaitis think the country's resources could be spent more wisely.

The question of setting up a judiciary independent of the government may be difficult, since the judges all are selected by the ruling family. Currently, the Kuwaiti legal system is based on a combination of the Napoleonic Code and Islamic (shariah) law. The debate is also sure to spark a dispute between proponents and opponents of instituting greater use of the shariah in legal decisions.

During this honeymoon period of popularity, it is impossible to predict how well the new assembly will work with the ruling Al Sabah family. What is important, said Margaret Thompson, is that parliamentarians restrain their urge to criticize the members of the Al Sabah family and try instead to work constructively with them. For its part, the government "needs to recognize that the Kuwaiti people want representation," she told the Washington Report.

Andrea W. Lorenz is the features editor of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs.